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【全译】卡扎菲注视着你—利比亚的窃听风暴(半岛台深度报道)  

2011-04-26 21:18:00|  分类: 阿拉伯的故事 |  标签: |举报 |字号 订阅

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Under Gaddafi's eyes

卡扎菲注视着你—利比亚的窃听风暴

原作者:Evan Hill (半岛台网站制作人)

原作时间:2001年4月17日 格林威治时间 2011 01:34

翻译:@Shawn982711

 

【全译】卡扎菲注视着你—利比亚的窃听风暴(半岛台深度报道) - 老榕 - 比老榕年轻

Fall of the regime in the east has revealed once-secret security files that show extent of Libyan government's spying.

卡扎菲政权在利比亚东部统治的崩溃使曾经的秘密档案浮出水面,电影《窃听风暴》场景在生活中处处上演。

 

Benghazi, LIBYA - Benghazi internal security headquarters, November 3, 1990. A fax arrives at 10:30 in the morning, addressed to the director from the head office in Tripoli.

利比亚,班加西。1990年11月3日上午10时30分,内务安全班加西总部,安全主管收到一封来自的黎波里总部的传真。

 

"We received information about some of the suspicious people," it begins. A list of names and paragraphs of information follow.

我们收到一些可疑人物的消息,传真的开头写道,后面是一系列上榜人物名字和相关信息。

 

One man is singled out for listening to religious tape cassettes from an Egyptian sheikh. Another man named Bileid is identified as a teacher and a "big criminal," someone who has grown a beard but is "morally depraved," implying that he is homosexual.

一个人因为偷听一位埃及宗教人士的录音带而成为思想危险人物,另一个叫Bileid的教师被认为是重要犯罪分子,一个人虽然蓄了胡子但被认定道德沦丧,因为他是同性恋。

 

At the bottom of the page is Eissa Ahmed al-Farsi. He was fired from his job as an agricultural studies teacher at Omar Mukhtar University in Baida. He belonged to one of Libya’s secretive revolutionary committees, the power behind Muammar Gaddafi’s regime, but dropped out. He began spending time with bearded men at the Abu Bakr al-Siddiq mosque in Benghazi.

Eissa Ahmed al-Farsi的名字出现在名单的末尾,他之前是Omar Mukhtar大学的农业研究老师,因为退出卡扎菲政权下属的一个秘密革命委员会而被开除公职。他开始在班加西Abu Bakr al-Siddi清真寺和那些大胡子们消磨时间。

 

The fax is stamped and dated. "Peace," it says at the end.

这份传真被盖上了印章和标注了日期。传真末尾“和平”二字触目惊心。

 

Farsi's large, blue surveillance file is number 6,247. At the bottom, it is marked "very secret." He is one among tens of thousands, each for a Libyan who unwittingly became a target of Gaddafi’s secret police, the enforcers responsible for squashing dissent and sowing terror over more than four decades in the Libyan Arab People’s Jamahiriya.

Farsi的蓝色监控档案编号是6247。秘密等级是高度机密。他只是数以万计在不知情的情况下被利比亚秘密警察监视的利比亚人中的一员。秘密警察就是利比亚的盖世太保,他们专职镇压异议者并使白色恐怖笼罩了利比亚40多年。

 

In theory, the Jamahiriya – or "state of the masses" – is run by people’s committees and an enormous, directly elected congress, but in practice, Gaddafi’s personally loyal, autocratic, and extra-judicial state apparatus is controlled through community-based revolutionary committees, the lijan thawriya. High-ranking army, police and internal security officers often double as committee members. For decades, they have had the ability to arrest, interrogate, torture and imprison Libyan citizens at will.

理论上,所谓的利比亚民众国,是由人民委员会和一个庞大被直接选举产生的议会行使权力,但实际上,利比亚是由忠于卡扎菲,独裁并且超越司法体制的革命委员会所掌控。军队,警察以及内务部门的高级官员通常是革命委员会成员。几十年来,他们能够任意逮捕,审讯,折磨利比亚公民,并将他们投入监狱。

 

Now that Gaddafi's regime has fallen in the east, stories like Farsi's – detailing the government's far-reaching coercive power – are finally entering public view.

由于卡扎菲在东部的统治已经土崩瓦解,这些显示政府无孔不入的黑暗力量的故事终于大白于天下。 

 

'Heresy'
异端邪说

 

【全译】卡扎菲注视着你—利比亚的窃听风暴(半岛台深度报道) - 老榕 - 比老榕年轻

Abdelmoneim Belruin,班加西平民。曾未经审判被阿扎菲当局拘禁。本文作者拍摄。


Farsi’s file was only one among stacks of thousands stored in an internal security office on Benghazi’s Mediterranean waterfront, next to the main courthouse that has since been converted into the opposition’s political headquarters.

班加西的内务安全部坐落在地中海边上,它旁边就是曾经的大法院,现在的反对派的总部。而Farsi的档案不过是内务部的堆积成山的黑色档案的冰山一角而已。

 

One day in late February, during the chaotic and bloody beginning of the uprising against Gaddafi, the building began to burn. Benghazi had become a warzone, and security officers and army troops were gunning down protesters in the street. On the day the building burned, security forces had left the office to respond to a mob that was trying to break into the city’s main security directorate, a few miles away

2月里的一天,班加西人民揭竿而起,反抗卡扎菲的暴政。整个城市都被卷入战火,血腥而又一片混乱,,军队和内务部队向大街上的抗议者开火。纷乱中这座大楼开始燃烧,就在这一天,安全部队被抽离这座大楼去几英里外的另一个主要的保密基地镇压示威者。

 

A group of residents rushed to the burning building and broke down one of its locked doors. Among them was 36-year-old Awad Gheriani. As Gheriani’s group entered, he saw employees rush outside through another door. Gheriani assumed the fire had been ignited intentionally by security officials hoping to hide their work. Already, the blaze had destroyed rooms and made parts of the building impossible to reach. Gheriani and the others grabbed whatever they could and ran out. Among the pile under his arm was Farsi’s file.

一群当地居民打破紧锁的门冲进这座燃烧中的大楼,36岁的Awad Gheriani也在其中。破门而入之后,他看见一些内务部工作人员从另外的门冲出这座大楼。Gheriani猜测这火是安全官员从内部放的,目的是掩盖他们所做的一切。然后,烈火大火已经烧毁了很多房间并使得大楼的很多地方无法接近。情急之下,Gheriani和他的伙伴不管三七二十一把他们能够拿到的东西都抱出大楼。Farsi的档案也在其中。

 

The file’s 22 pages, containing a decades-long correspondence between various arms of the country’s security forces, points to the regime’s deep fear of the slightest opposition to Gaddafi’s rule, particularly from religious sources. Gaddafi’s government has always leveled its worst suspicions toward the country’s Islamists, and not without reason, since one of the most serious assassination attempts on Gaddafi, an RPG attack on his car in Sirte in the 1990s, reportedly was carried out by the Libyan Islamic Fighting Group.

这份22页的档案,包括长达十年的安全部门不同分支之间的通信,揭示了卡扎菲政权对于哪怕是最轻微反对力量的恐惧。自从上世纪90年代在Sirte,一次针对卡扎菲的火箭弹暗杀事件后,卡扎菲政权总是将最大的怀疑目标定位于伊斯兰分子,该暗杀据报道是由利比亚伊斯兰战斗组织发动。

 

Because Farsi began attending the Abu Bakr al-Siddiq mosque and associating with bearded men, his case attracted the attention of a special agency aimed at combating “zindaka,” a word that translates literally as “heresy” but came to mean, under four decades of Gaddafi’s rule, those who disagreed with his unique vision of the Jamahiriya, a society in perpetual revolution.

因为Farsi开始出入于清真寺,并和那些大胡子们有过交往,所以他引起了秘密机构的注意。这个机构专门负责打击所谓异端邪说,而在卡扎菲统治下的40多年里,只要你偏离了他的观点和看法,你就是异端,你的看法就是邪说。

 

Over 18 years, the internal security forces kept a constant eye on Farsi, instructing various arms of the government to provide information about him.

在18年里,内务部一直将Farsi置于监视之下,要求许多不同的政府分支机构提供有关他的信息。

 

After leaving Omar Mukhtar, Farsi was hired as an economics lecturer at Gar Younis University in Benghazi. In 2007, the internal security forces sent a letter to the university ordering them to provide information on Farsi. The same year, the agency in charge of issuing passports and monitoring travel reported to internal security that they had no information about Farsi, aside from an order to detain him.

在离开Omar Mukhtar大学后,Farsi在班加西的Gar Younis大学担任经济学讲师。2007年,内务部发出信函要求该校提供Farsi的信息,也在这一年,负责发放护照并监控公民旅行状态的机构在收到命令拘留Farsi后向内务部报告说没有有关Farsi的信息。

 

In 2008, Benghazi’s internal security director, Brigadier General Senussi al-Wizri who since has been jailed by the opposition – wrote to the anti-heresy agency that while Farsi displayed signs of “zindaka,” he had “good character”. Wizri concludes by updating the agency on Farsi’s address, and the file comes to an end.

2008年,班加西的内务部主管,准将Senussi al-Wizri(现处于监禁中)向反异端机构报告说,Farsi过去有异端的迹象,但他有好的品质。Wizri向反异端机构更新了Farsi的地址,结束了对Farsi的监视。

 

'Sleeper cells'

Ayman Gheriani, Awad’s brother, worked as a criminal prosecutor in Benghazi for years, but he was never allowed to see something like Farsi’s file. His caseload was limited to street fights, robberies and murders.

Awad Gheriani 的哥哥Ayman Gheriani在班加西做了多年的检控官,但是他经手的案件仅仅是街头斗殴,抢劫和谋杀,类似Farsi的案件绝对不允许他们接触的。

 

The work of the internal security forces and the testimony given to revolutionary committees by their enormous web of informants was never subject to legal review, Gheriani said.

Gheriani说,内务安全部门的工作报告和数不清的告密者的证词都被直接提交给革命委员会,这些东西从来不会被合法审查。

 

“Being able to see top secret stuff means being able to carry out your orders without any judicial process,” he said. “They name their own instructions, they don’t have to take it to a judge.”

如果你能够审阅这些最高机密的东西,也就意味着你能不经任何司法程序发布你的命令。他们发布指令而无需获得法官的许可。

 

Civilians could be detained without so much as a pretext and referred to special revolutionary courts – or no courts at all. Attempting to form a political party or joining an Islamic group were known as easy ways to provoke the security forces into action.

平民可以无需理由被拘捕,并送往特别革命法庭,或者就根本没有法庭审理。如果你想组建一个政党或者加入一个伊斯兰组织,恭喜你,安全部门很快就会对你采取行动。

 

Once inside the system, one’s fate became arbitrary.

一旦进入了这个体制内部,你的命运就不再受你掌控了。

 

“It’s not like there’s protocol. The person asking questions has ultimate decision-making power,” Gheriani said.

那里没有任何的公理法律,讯问你的人拥有最终的决定权。

 

Sometimes, the suspicions of a neighbour were all it took.

有时侯,你邻居对你的怀疑就足够定你的罪了。

 

Bilgassim al-Shibani’s file, number 6,248, came after Farsi’s in the stack. It opens in 2007, with a letter to the internal security forces from a man who lived in Shibani’s apartment building in central Benghazi.

Bilgassim al-Shibani的档案,编号6248,开始于2007年,一切源于一封来自和他同住一栋公寓的人的检举信。

 

Shibani is a single man, the informant writes, and he sometimes hosts a group of four to six bearded young men – none of them older than 25 – on the building’s rooftop after midnight. The group arrives in a gold-coloured BMW 520 with a foreign license plate, he explains.

这个告密人写道,Shibani是个单身男人,他有的时候在午夜之后款待4到6个大胡子男人,他们中没有一个超过25岁,每次聚会都是在大楼的楼顶。这些年轻人每次都乘一辆外国牌照的金色宝马520过来.

 

Shibani’s file is only a few pages long, but it ends with a letter from Wizri’s office directing local police detectives to follow and observe Shibani. Break into his apartment if necessary, it says.

Shibani的档案只有几页,但最后有发往当地警探的一封信,信中要求警探们跟踪并观察Shabani,如果有必要可以强行进入他公寓搜查。

 

There was never a guarantee the security forces would vet the informant. The man may only have had a quarrel with Shibani and could have been fabricating the story, Gheriani pointed out. Helping the revolutionary committees identify suspected dissidents was a dependable way to get ahead in Libya, no matter one’s profession.

安全部门从来不审查这些告密者内容的可靠性。这个男人有可能只是和Shabani有过口角然后编造了这个故事,Gheriani说。在利比亚,帮助革命委员会鉴别可疑的异议者是飞黄腾达的可靠方式,不论你之前职业和贵贱。

 

“It’s like a gang, a mafia, if you’re an honest person you get nothing,” Gheriani said.

它就像一个黑帮,黑手党,如果你是一个诚实的人,你就会一无所获。

 

【全译】卡扎菲注视着你—利比亚的窃听风暴(半岛台深度报道) - 老榕 - 比老榕年轻

Among the files recovered from the internal security building were applications to the revolutionary committees from Benghazi residents. In addition to sections for name, address, and birthplace, there were those for weapons training and expertise.

从内务安全总部大楼抢救出来的资料还包括有很多班加西居民交给革命委员会的申请书,里面内容除了姓名,地址和出生地之外,还有是否会操作武器以及其他专长。

 

Many residents believe former revolutionary committee members have organised “sleeper cells” in the wake of the uprising to sabotage rebel military bases and launch sudden attacks. When Gaddafi’s forces began their bombardment of Benghazi on March 19 and approached the southern outskirts of the city before being driven off by foreign air strikes, gunmen in plain clothes fought street battles with rebel forces in the city and staged drive-by shootings on residents preparing its defenses.

许多居民认为那些之前的革命委员会委员安排了潜伏的间谍,来破坏反政府军的军事基地或者发动突然袭击。从3月19日卡扎菲开始轰炸班加西并逼近班加西城郊开始,到被西方盟军空袭这段时间里,许多身着平民装束的枪手和反政府军在班加西城内交战,并从行驶的汽车上向正准备防御设施的当地居民开枪。

 

Gheriani estimates that around 200 ex-committee members remain in Benghazi. Some are in hiding, and others have fled.

Gheriani估计大约200人左右的前委员会成员仍然留在班加西,一些人藏了起来,一些人逃走了。

 

'Oppressed people'
压迫人民


The lijan thawriya may be dispersed in the east, but their shadow will remain for many years. Tens of thousands of people have been spied upon by a network of informers that included friends and neighbours. Families have seen fathers and brothers disappear into Libya’s prison system for decades. Many were never to be heard from again.

在利比亚东部革命委员会已经做树倒猢狲散,但是他们给人民留下的阴影却需要很多年才会消失。不计其数的人被告密者的网络所笼罩,而这些告密者甚至包括他们的朋友和邻居。无数的家庭经历过亲人入狱骨肉分离之苦,还有许多人被政府逮捕后从此人间蒸发。

 

Compared to some, 51-year-old Abdelmoneim Belruin is lucky: He spent just seven years in custody.

和一些受尽苦难的人相比,51岁的Abdelmoneim Belruin算是个幸运儿,他只在监狱里呆了七年。

 

Belruin made the mistake of maintaining friendships with a group of men who founded a community service organisation in Benghazi, the “Honourable Patriots”. The group met for coffee one day in 1981 on Rayid Street; as they left, they were swarmed by cars and arrested. Belruin would later find out that Idris Bourwas, an army officer he once met in one of his friend’s living rooms, had double crossed them.

Bleruin的罪名是与一个叫“光荣的爱国者”的社区服务组织的几个创建人交好。1981年的一天这个组织成员在Rayid大街喝咖啡小聚,当他们离开的时候,警车蜂拥而至将他们拦住,从此他们就成了阶下囚。后来Belruin发现他曾在他一个朋友的客厅见过的名叫Idris Bourwas的军官,是渗透进他们组织的密探。

 

The men were taken to an Interior Ministry building in Benghazi. Wizri, the internal security chief, was present. Officers stripped them of their shirts, put then in handcuffs, and whipped them with electrical cables. Awad Sayidi, the local head of Gaddafi’s internal spy agency, the General Intelligence Office, had also arrived to oversee the interrogation. The Honourable Patriots were evidently viewed as an important threat.

这些被抓的人被带往内政部大楼,内政安全主管Wizri也在那里。安全官员扒掉他们的T恤,给他们戴上手铐,然后用电线拷打他们。Awad Sayidi是卡扎菲的间谍机构情报局在班加西的负责人,也到现场监督刑讯情况。显然,“光荣的爱国者”这个组织被视作巨大的威胁。

 

Eventually, Belruin and the other prisoners were taken on a 15-hour ride to Tripoli in the back of a semi-truck, their hands cuffed behind their backs, forced to sit bent forward at the waist with their heads down. Any upwards glance would be met with a smack from a guard’s truncheon.

最后,Belruijn和其他犯人双手被反绑,被强制低头弯腰坐在卡车后车厢里,颠簸了15个小时后被运往的黎波里。途中,如果你想抬头扫视一下环境,看守不由分说就会给你一顿警棍。

 

The truck arrived at an underground garage at an intelligence building in Tripoli, where interrogators once tried to force Belruin to sign a confession. When he refused, they whipped him with electrical cables again and put him in a cell with a man from the western port city of Misurata. According to Belruin, the interrogators had pulled out at least some of the man’s finger- and toe-nails. His hands were so swollen that Belruin had to feed him.

最后卡车抵达的黎波里一个情报大厦的地下车库,在那里审讯人员再次强迫Belruin签署一份招供书,被拒绝后,他再次被人用电线一顿疯狂殴打,然后被关入一个囚室,里面还有一个来自西部港口城市米苏拉塔的犯人。Belruin说,那些审讯人员拔掉了这个人的一些手指甲和脚趾甲,他的手肿胀不堪,无法进食,只能让Belruin喂他。

 

After two days, they put Belruin in a cell filled with several inches of water, making it impossible for him to lie down to sleep. For days, he spent much of his time in a crouch, leaning his back against the wall. After the fourth or fifth day, he began to hallucinate images of his dead father and his brother. Another interrogation followed.

两天后,审讯人员又把Belruin转移到了一个积水数英寸的牢房里,在这个“水牢里”他无法躺下更无法睡觉。连续几天他只能蹲在墙角,背靠墙壁蹉跎时间。过了四五天,因为无法休息以及所受的折磨他开始产生幻觉,看见了他已经过世的父亲和兄长。这时候又一次审讯开始了。

 

They slapped Belruin when he refused to confess to the allegations, but he was given a ragged mattress to sleep on. During another interrogation, he was hung upside down by his knees, his hands stuck, cuffed behind his legs. They hit his feet with poles until they bled and became numb. At other times, they brought in a dog, which snarled and snapped at Belruin, tearing away some of his pants with its teeth.

Belruin拒绝认罪,他们就不停的扇他耳光,不过最后审讯人员大发慈悲给了Belruin一个破烂不堪的垫子让他睡觉。在另一次审讯中,他被倒吊起来,双手铐在大腿后面。他们不停的用棍子抽他的脚直到他的脚流血麻木。还有一次,他们弄来一条狼狗,冲着Belruin嗥叫撕咬,他的裤子都有些被撕下来了。

 

After several years, during which Belruin was transferred to different places, including villas used by ad-hoc “people’s security” forces to house prisoners, he was placed in Abu Slim, a notorious Tripoli prison. It was there, he claims, that in 1988 Gaddafi himself arrived to bestow a symbolic amnesty on thousands of inmates. In a televised ceremony, Gaddafi, riding on a bulldozer, broke down one of Abu Slim’s walls. Benghazi residents say video exists of the act. The prisoners were told to leave without questioning and made to sign an oath declaring they would never again involve themselves in political activities.

在之后的几年里,Belruin曾被关押在好几个不同的地方,包括所谓人民卫士部队专用的别墅,还有的黎波里臭名昭著的Abu Slim监狱。Belruin说,就是这个监狱,1988年,卡扎菲在那里象征性的大赦了数以千计的囚犯。在电视直播的典礼上,卡扎菲坐在推土机上,推倒了监狱的一面墙。班加西的民众说他们还保存有那一幕的视频资料。所有的囚犯都被告知无需被询问就可以离开监狱,但要求签署一份保证书保证今后不参加任何政治活动。

 

Belruin never saw a judge or prosecutor, and his charges – if there were any – were never explained.

Belruin从没见过法官和检控官,而对他的控告,如果有控告的话,也从来没有人给他提过。

 

“We had no life until this revolution, we were oppressed people … the smallest freedom for the first time, we were nothing, we were a dead people, we didn’t have any rights,” he said.

革命爆发之前我们只是蝇营狗苟而已,我们是被压迫的民众。第一次我们有了自由,过去我们什么都不是,我们只是行尸走肉,我们没有任何的权利。 

 

译者注,如果有读者对监听故事感兴趣,可以去下载德国电影窃听风暴观看,看完之后你会对集权体制下的告密,人性有一个更深的理解。

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